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Journal
of Political Ecology:
Case Studies in History and Society |
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VOLUME 9 (2002) Marx and the
Postmodernism Debates: An Agenda for Critical Theory by Lorraine Y.
Landry. London: Praeger Publishers (2000), xiii+232pp.
Reviewed by Douglas J. Cremer, Department of Natural and Social Sciences, Woodbury University, Burbank, CA. Lorraine Landry has confidently entered a field that
has drawn much attention among philosophers: the debate between Jürgen
Habermas on the one hand and Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, and Jean-François
Lyotard on the other. Rather than seeing this intersection as one between
a rationalist modernism and an irrationalist postmodernism, Landry seeks
to create what she calls a "fruitful tension" between these
two warring camps by reconceptualizing the debate through the work of
Karl Marx. The connection between Marx and Habermas is clear. Habermas,
as the heir to Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, is recognized as the
latest German philosopher to build off of Marx' work. That a rapprochement
between these two positions might be accomplished through the work of
Marx has also been hinted at in Derrida's later works as well as in the
widely know early Marxian roots of Lyotard and Foucault. Landry makes
profitable use of a wide variety of well-known commentators on the debates,
among them Seyla Benhabib, Matei Calinescu, Mike Featherstone, Douglas
Kellner, Andreas Huyssen, Alex Callinicos, Christopher Norris, Thomas
McCarthy, Peter Dews, and David Rasmussen. Due to the wide range of material
covered and the clarity of writing, Marx and the Postmodernism Debates
is a welcome addition to this highly developed, intellectually rich and
philosophically challenging literature, doing an admirable job of summarizing
the major issues and developing a new approach that keeps the book from
being another rehash of a now lengthy debate. By explicitly reintroducing Marx to the debates, Landry
hopes to show the relevancy of postmodern thought for social change and
contemporary politics, making it part of the tradition of ideology critiques
begun by Marx. Yet before undertaking this project, Landry goes back to
the work of Immanuel Kant, who is as important as Marx in her overall
analysis. It is in Kant's work that Landry sees the fully developed form
of modernity: individualist, instrumental, mechanical, methodological,
and manipulative. Yet this modernity, she argues, was from its origins
tied to and complicated by the earlier existing organic conception of
the world as well as the emerging romantic view. Landry makes the argument
that there are thus as many modernisms as there are postmodernisms, as
many different forms of Enlightenment rationalism as there are postmodern
critiques. Her analysis of aesthetic modernism, as a variant within modern
thought that was intensely critical of the rationalist strain of modernism,
is well argued. It is one of the cornerstones of her effort to show how
the paradoxes and complexities of postmodernity were embedded in the paradoxes
and complexities of modernity. One of the strengths of this book is the
clear way Landry lays out these important issues. The apparent conflict between modernity and postmodernity
is repositioned by Landry as a "fruitful tension," a phrase
she admits is a bit trite. Her stated methodology is to take the positions
of Habermas, Derrida, Foucault and Lyotard each on its own terms and as
empathetically as possible, referring to similarities and differences,
avoiding easy syntheses and polemics, and seeking a viable theory and
politics from each. She initially addresses Habermas' critique of postmodernism
where he argues that postmodernism is neo-conservative, irrational and
potentially fascist. Detailing Habermas' rejection of the aesthetic modernism
at the root of postmodernism, Landry discusses Habermas' associated dismissal
of the outsider view taken by the tradition from Friedrich Nietzsche through
Martin Heidegger to Derrida and Foucault. She offers that Habermas was
mistaken to take aesthetic postmodernism as a natural ally to political
conservatism. It is precisely in the fact that both critical theory and
postmodernism seek a critique of late twentieth century modernity, and
that both have taken reified, and thus amendable, views of the complexities
of modernity, that Landry sees the possibility of rapprochement, of creating
a fruitful tension. The chapters on Derrida and Foucault are clear and
concise summations of their positions and of their defenses against the
attacks launched by Habermas. If there is a fault here, it is that Landry's
voice is often lost amid all the commentators and philosophers, to the
point that it is sometimes unclear exactly who is speaking in any one
part of the text. Landry's goal is to emphasize the rootedness of postmodernism
in modernist aesthetics, especially in Kant's third critique, the Critique
of Judgement. It is this Kantian connection that is key to Landry's effort
to rehabilitate postmodernism in the light of its confrontation with critical
theory. In a Kantian light, Landry sees deconstruction as a form of ideology
critique converging with the tradition of Adorno and Habermas. Foucault's
genealogy is also placed within a Kantian framework, recasting Foucault's
essay on the Enlightenment as a defense of the spirit of inquiry against
deadening principles and the promotion of an aesthetic of existence. For
Landry, Foucault's practical ethics, along with Derrida's deconstruction,
recognizes the inescapability of reason but does not accept its absoluteness.
If there is one unreachable postmodernist in this group
for Landry, it is Lyotard. His aesthetic postmodernism, which rejects
the connection between political theory and practical politics, is less
likely to produce anything of value in fruitful tension with critical
theory, according to Landry. Although Lyotard is the central catalyst
in the fractious discussion between Habermas and postmodernism, he tends
to drop out of the discussion after Landry's critique in the fifth chapter.
This is a weakness in the work, for Lyotard, along with other French theorists
such as Jean Baudrillard, appear to be among the most intractable of the
postmodernists as far as critical theory is concerned. By effectively
limiting the discussion of postmodernism to its poststructuralist adherents
in Derrida and Foucault, Landry makes her efforts easier, but also less
significant. The tensions within postmodernism between the intense critiques
of consumer society and of the oppression of institutionalized knowledge
on the one hand and the celebration of image, virtual reality, and computerized
data banks on the other, are obscured by the perspective Landry chooses. The result is an emphasis on the postmodernism debates
as a twentieth century extension of the differences between the Kant of
the first two critiques, refracted through G. W. F. Hegel and Marx, and
the Kant of the third critique, developed by the work of Nietzsche and
Heidegger. Landry wants to remind us again of the complexity of modern
thought, of an Enlightenment tradition that embraces rational, moral,
and aesthetic critiques. She rightly desires to keep us away from the
simplicity of the so-called "Enlightenment Project" with its
tendencies towards intellectual repression and political terror. She effectively
takes us away from the stale dichotomy between transcendental rationalism
and nihilistic relativism towards sustaining the tension between the Nietzsche-Heidegger
tradition and the Hegel-Marx tradition. Finally, Landry tries to preserve
the postmodern awareness of the multiplicity of otherness and to emancipate
modernism from the domineering universality of the subject by using Kant
as the touchstone. Much more critical of Habermas than of Derrida or Foucault,
Landry accuses the German philosopher of failing to see that his theory
of communicative action does not hew to either a correspondence notion
of truth nor to a purely realist epistemology. For Landry, a nonfoundationalist,
antirealist philosophy can establish the ground for the intended reconciliation
of postmodernism and critical theory and for a progressive political theory,
including Habermas' goals of completing modernity and avoiding the political
linkage between postmodernism and neo-conservatism. Habermas, according
to Landry, misses the importance of language in Marx' writing, making
Marx bound to the philosophy of the subject than to ideology critique
and the analysis of class conflict. Similarly, postmodernism's misinterpretation
of Marx as focused on production, wedded to materialist thought and realist
philosophy, is also taken to task, but Landry's fire is directed mostly
at Habermas. The detailed critique of Habermas' position is not matched
by an equally thorough critique of poststructuralist or postmodernist
concerns. After outlining and debunking the Habermassian and
postmodernist critiques of Marx, Landry finally makes her case for the
rehabilitation of Marxian critical theory in a postmodern context. Landry's
Marx is an advocate for situated knowledge, much like the postmodernists,
a still important voice for critical theory and radical politics. Furthermore,
Marx is seen, as are all the others, through a Kantian lens, emphasizing
the critique of language and ideology. Landry wants to move beyond the
negative evaluations of Marx towards a positive reception of Marx' refusal
to be caught between the poles of universal reason and relativist skepticism.
The rejection of simple bipolar dichotomies, a common denominator among
postmodernists, is characteristic of Landry's thought as well, illustrating
once again her closer affinity to Derrida and Foucault than to Habermas
in the postmodernism debates. Ultimately, Landry wants to argue that a limited, pragmatic transcendence can be sustained by deconstructing textual play, that a marriage of critical theory and postmodernism can be made. She opens the door wide for a consideration of this as a possibility, but does not firmly make the case that it can be accomplished. For a book that perhaps could have been alternately titled "Kant, Critical Theory, and Poststructuralism," Landry does a fine job in establishing the conditions for the possibility of a rapprochement between critical theory and certain forms of postmodernism. Rather than using Marx to reinterpret the postmodernism debates, as the actual title might imply, Landry has shown how postmodernist concerns over difference, the Other, and the uses of language can possibly rehabilitate Marx, and through him, critical theory. |